The NABU and the SAPO uncovered the activities of a criminal organization composed of current and former officials, including representatives of the energy sector. According to the prosecution, its members built a large-scale corruption scheme aimed at exerting influence over the operations of strategic state-owned enterprises — most notably, Energoatom — obtaining unlawful benefits and laundering proceeds of crime.

On November 11, 2025, the following individuals were notified of suspicion:

• Timur Mindich (Karlsson), an organizer of the criminal organization ;
• Oleksandr Tsukerman (Sugarman, Chef), a co-organizer of the scheme;
• Ihor Myroniuk (Rocket), former adviser to the Minister of Energy;
  Dmytro Basov (Tenor), Executive Director for Physical Protection and Security at Energoatom;
• three alleged back-office “employees” involved in laundering funds: Ihor Fursenko (Rioshyk), Lesia Ustymenko, and Liudmyla Zorina;
• Oleksii Chernyshov (Che Guevara), former Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine;
  Herman Halushchenko (Professor, Sigizmund), former Minister of Justice and, before that, Minister of Energy;
• Andrii Yermak, former head of the Office of the President;
• Serhii Siranchuk, director of the Sunny Shore Housing Cooperative
• Liliia Lysenko and Hennadii Opalchuk, co-founders of the cooperative
• Maryna Medvedieva, Chernyshov's assistant.

Nature of the scheme

The organization’s core activity consisted of systematically demanding and receiving unlawful benefits from Energoatom’s contractors, amounting to 10–15% of the value of each contract.

According to the investigation, no later than January 2025, Timur Mindich, taking advantage of martial law, his friendly relationship with President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, his ties to senior officials, and his substantial influence in the state, decided to enrich himself unlawfully by organizing criminal activity across various sectors of the economy. Mindich involved Oleksandr Tsukerman as a co-organizer responsible for forming the membership of the organization.

Dmytro Basov and Ihor Myroniuk, using their official authority and the influence of Minister of Energy Herman Halushchenko, ensured the inflow of substantial funds from Energoatom contractors. With their participation, and through four additional trusted individuals, the criminal organization effectively gained control over the enterprise.

The scheme aimed to secure unlawful payments from Energoatom officials for assisting contractors in concluding agreements, approving documentation, facilitating payments, etc. The arrangement became known as the “barrier scheme” (“shlagbaum”), since contractors were forced to pay kickbacks to avoid blocked payments or the loss of supplier status.

The criminal plan included:

• selecting premises for the operation of a “back office”;
• ensuring operational secrecy and preventing access by unauthorized persons;
• recruiting specialists with experience in crypto-assets;
• regularly changing locations where cash was stored;
• using closed messenger accounts to communicate with clients;
• distributing profits among participants and channeling funds to controlled individuals and legal entities;
• collecting information that could be used for coercive leverage, including influence over the media.

This became possible for several reasons. One of them was that, in May 2024, the Verkhovna Rada passed a law imposing a moratorium on bankruptcy proceedings against state-owned critical infrastructure facilities. However, these provisions did not apply to Energoatom. The enterprise subsequently signed an agreement with UKROP LLC to act as a co-executor under a state contract and applied to be added to the list of companies potentially exempt from enforcement actions.

According to the case materials, the Ministry for Strategic Industries of Ukraine later issued an order adding Energoatom to the list of debtors whose enforcement actions were suspended during martial law.

Meanwhile, contractual provisions with suppliers allowed for payment terms ranging from 45 to 180 days after delivery, enabling Energoatom’s management to determine unilaterally whom to pay and when. Exploiting their connections within the ministry and the state enterprise, group members controlled staffing decisions, procurement procedures, and financial operations.

As a result, this strategic enterprise with annual revenue exceeding UAH 200 billion was controlled by informal actors without official powers, who in effect acted as “overseers”.

Episode of money laundering

According to the investigation, the laundering of illicit proceeds was carried out by members of a dedicated unit of the criminal organization, the so-called “ back office,” located in central Kyiv at 20/1 Volodymyrska Street.

The premises belonged to the family of Andrii Derkach, a former MP and now a senator of the Russian Federation, whom the HACC found guilty of high treason and illicit enrichment. This office monitored the organization’s financial flows, kept records of funds received (“shadow accounting”), and carried out money-laundering operations through a network of foreign companies. Some transactions, including cash distribution, were conducted outside Ukraine.

For performing financial operations for external clients, the office charged a fee — a percentage of each transaction.

To maintain secrecy, the group avoided naming currencies directly; they used coded terms such as “blue ones” or “beautiful ones” (new USD 100 bills) and “ugly ones” or “’96 notes” (older bills).

As of February 12, 2025, Myroniuk allegedly held at least USD 350,000 obtained through criminal means. By February 17, he held $500,000 and EUR 150,000; by February 21, $874,000. These funds were transferred to other members, who transported them to the office for consolidation.

During the detention-hearing proceedings, it was also stated that, on Zukerman’s instructions, part of the funds was handed to Chernyshov. In March 2025, the organization received another USD 340,000 from Myroniuk, which was subsequently laundered. In April, he delivered an additional $3 million, and in May — EUR 300,000.

In total, approximately $100 million passed through this financial “laundry” during the documented period of the group’s activities.

Tsukerman is charged under Articles 255(1) and 209(3) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Myroniuk's actions are classified under Articles 255(2), 209(3), and 368(4) of the Criminal Code. Basov's — under Articles 255(3), 368(4), and 209(3). The actions of Fursenko, Ustymenko, and Zorina — under Articles 255(2) and 209(3).

Role of Tymur Mindich

Timur Mindich (“Karlsson”) is a Ukrainian businessman and co-owner of Kvartal 95 Studio.

According to the investigation, he was the organizer of the offense and allegedly controlled the operation of the so-called “laundry” through which criminally obtained funds were laundered.

From an apartment located on the upper floors of a building on Hrushevskoho Street in Kyiv, “Karlsson” directed financial flows, determining to whom, and in what amounts, cash should be issued or transferred. He allegedly influenced the heads of central executive authorities to resolve issues in his personal interest, particularly in the energy and defense sectors.

The recordings made by detectives capture him managing financial operations, discussing the formalization of trusted persons through fictitious employment, issuing security instructions, and demonstrating awareness of potential NABU attention.

Mindich reportedly left Ukraine immediately before receiving the suspicion notice.

He is charged under Articles 255(1), 209(3), and 344(1) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

Involvement of Halushchenko

Herman Halushchenko was Ukraine’s Minister of Justice from July 17, 2025 to November 19, 2025. Before that, he served as Minister of Energy for four years, from April 29, 2021 to July 17, 2025.

In the investigation materials, Halushchenko appears under the aliases “Professor” and “Sigismund.” Initially, the former minister did not have suspect status in the case. However, on February 15, 2026, he was detained at NABU’s request while attempting to leave Ukraine. The next day, SAPO formally served him with a notice of suspicion for money laundering and involvement in a criminal organization.

According to the prosecutor, investigators “established facts of Mindich’s criminal activity in the energy sector through influence over Minister of Energy Halushchenko, and in the defense sector through influence over Defense Minister Umerov.” Under the prosecution’s theory, Halushchenko assisted Mindich in controlling financial flows in the energy sector. In return, he allegedly received personal benefits from Mindich: protection before the President and laundering of funds through intermediary Myroniuk. Intercepted conversations between Tsukerman and Myroniuk, recorded via covert investigative measures, also contain references suggesting that “Sigismund” was Derkach’s man.

In addition, according to the investigation, in 2021 a fund was registered on Anguilla (a self-governing British Overseas Territory) at the initiative of members of the criminal organization, purportedly to attract around USD 100 million in “investments.” The fund was headed by a citizen of Seychelles and Saint Kitts and Nevis who allegedly provided money-laundering services. Halushchenko’s family was also among the fund’s “investors.”

To conceal his involvement, two companies were set up in the Marshall Islands and integrated into a trust structure registered in Saint Kitts and Nevis. The beneficiary owners of those companies were listed as Halushchenko’s former wife and four children. The companies then became “investors” in the fund, and members of the criminal organization allegedly began transferring funds, in the suspect’s interest, to fund accounts opened in three Swiss banks.

Investigators believe that, during Halushchenko’s tenure, the criminal organization received more than USD 112 million in cash from unlawful activity in the energy sector through Ihor Myroniuk (“Rocket”). These funds were laundered, including through cryptocurrency transactions and “investments” into the fund.

The NABU and the SAPO state that over USD 7.4 million was transferred to the fund’s accounts. A further CHF 1.3+ million and EUR 2.4 million was reportedly paid out in cash and transferred directly to the family in Switzerland.

NABU posted another video about the case on its YouTube channel titled “Sigismund.” The video describes the alleged scheme and Halushchenko’s role in it, and it also includes excerpts from intercepted recordings related to the case.

Halushchenko's actions are classified under Articles 255(2) and 209(3) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

The role of Oleksii Chernyshov: the energy episode and the Dynasty project

Initially, Oleksii Chernyshov was served with a notice of suspicion under Article 368-5 and Article 366-2(2) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

According to the investigation, members of the organization transferred funds to the former Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine, internally referred to as “Che Guevara.”

Investigators documented payments totaling $1.2 million and almost EUR 100,000, delivered either at the office or at a medical clinic owned by another suspect. The last payment — USD 500,000 — was transferred to Che Guevara’s wife.

However, later, on May 11, 2026, the NABU announced that it had exposed an organized group involved in laundering UAH 460 million through elite construction near Kyiv.

Chernyshov was among those served with a notice of suspicion — for allegedly organizing the Dynasty project and laundering funds for it. This is therefore his second notice of suspicion in this case.

According to NABU's published video, the case concerns the construction of elite estates in Kozyn near Kyiv, known as the “Dynasty” project. The story began in 2018, when “Che Guevara” (Chernyshov) became a co-founder of Bloom Development. In 2019, the company purchased more than 4 hectares of land in Kozyn. After Chernyshov's appointment as Head of the Kyiv Regional State Administration, and later as Minister, he formally transferred his share to his wife.

In May 2020, the concept of the “Dynasty” project was conceived — the construction of private residences on these lands (later expanded to 8 hectares). The land's value was estimated at over $6 million.

To carry out the project, Chernyshov allegedly brought in “Karlsson” (Mindich) and Yermak (referred to as “R2” in the NABU video materials). The participants agreed to build four residences of approximately 1,000 sq m each for their personal use. In their communications, the buildings were disguised under codes: R1, R2, R3, R4. A fifth residence (“R-zero”) was also planned — a common area with a spa, swimming pool, and gym. The construction estimate for a single house alone was approximately USD 2 million.

The active phase of construction began in June 2021. According to the investigation, financing was carried out in two ways: about 10% of the funds were channeled through the Sunny Shore Housing Cooperative under the guise of payments from fictitious companies, while the bulk came in cash through Oleksii Chernyshov's assistant and individuals from Timur Mindich's circle. The investigation has documented transfers of large cash sums — notably USD 180,000 and USD 250,000 — for the construction of individual buildings in the complex.

According to the investigation, construction funds came from Mindich's criminal organization, accumulated through a “laundry” fed by various sources including corruption schemes at Energoatom. In total, the “Dynasty” participants laundered more than UAH 460 million.

Construction did not stop even after the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. On the contrary, Chernyshov demanded that the pace be accelerated, with crews working multiple shifts. In 2024, when the scale of the development became evident, the participants attempted to “legitimize” the expenditures by seeking to buy fictitious documents on the origin of the funds (the service cost approximately 16% of the amount). After the first notice of suspicion was served, Mindich ordered the sites to be mothballed.

In this episode, therefore, Chernyshov is charged under Article 209(3). Chernyshov is also suspected in a separate corruption case.

How is Andrii Yermak connected to this scheme?

A notice of suspicion of taking part in the Dynasty project scheme was also served on one of its participants — Andrii Yermak, former Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine.

He is allegedly one of the four key “residents” of the “Dynasty” project; his actions have been classified under Article 209(3) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.

According to investigation, Yermak facilitated the uninterrupted financing of construction works, including through the use of cash from Mindich's so-called “laundry” — into which corrupt funds from Energoatom contractors were channeled. To maintain secrecy, he acted through intermediaries: his father Borys Yermak and his assistant Nataliia Kylymkova. In project documentation and architects' correspondence he appeared under the abbreviations “A.B.” or “R2.”

Yermak is not charged with acquiring a house — he is charged with construction using criminally obtained funds: their use, conversion into future real estate objects and unfinished construction, and concealment of their origin.

Mindich was also served with a notice of suspicion in this episode.

In addition to Yermak, Mindich, and Chernyshov, four more people, all under Chernyshov's control, were served with notices of suspicion under the same article: Serhii Siranchuk (director of the Sunny Shore housing cooperative, who supervised the construction), Liliia Lysenko, Hennadii Opalchuk, and Maryna Medvedieva (who coordinated the work of the others on Chernyshov's instructions). Lysenko and Opalchuk were co-founders of the Sunny Shore cooperative and conducted financial transactions to create the appearance of legitimate funds.

It should be added that journalists had previously reported on this construction. In particular, investigative reporters at Bihus.info published their own investigation on the topic back in July 2025, showing what these unfinished sites looked like at the time.

Midas operation: How the scheme was exposed

The special operation by the NABU and the SAPO to document the organization’s activity lasted more than 15 months, beginning in summer 2024. During this period, investigators collected a substantial volume of evidence, including 1,000 hours of audio recordings, which formed the basis for assessing each participant’s role.

At the final stage, almost all NABU detectives were involved. Pursuant to court warrants, more than 70 searches were conducted in Kyiv and other regions, resulting in the seizure of significant quantities of documents and cash.

As mentioned above, Timur Mindich left Ukraine a few hours before the searches began. It later became known that another figure in the case — Oleksandr Tsukerman — also left the country.

Both men are now subject to sanctions. The Presidential Decree published online confirms that more than half of all available sanctions were applied to them, including the deprivation of state awards, which neither of them holds. However, the measures likely to have the greatest real impact on Mindich and Tsukerman are the financial sanctions. For example, the freezing of Timur Mindich’s assets should also extend to his 50% ownership stake in Kvartal-95 LLC. At the same time, the law does not require government bodies to block assets immediately, and oversight of the freezing process lies with the Ministry of Justice, which until recently was headed by another figure in this case — Herman Halushchenko.

Alongside the controversial application of sanctions to the two main fugitives during the first days of “Mindichgate,” the courts were also selecting interim measures for the detained suspects. The former adviser to the Minister of Energy, Ihor “Rocket” Myroniuk, was placed in custody with an alternative of UAH 126 million bail. The former Executive Director for Physical Protection and Security at Energoatom, Dmytro “Tenor” Basov, received custody with an alternative of UAH 40 million bail. Three “employees” of the back office responsible for money laundering — Ihor “Rioshyk” Fursenko, Lesia Ustymenko, and Liudmyla Zorina — were placed in custody with bail alternatives of UAH 95 million, UAH 25 million, and UAH 12 million, respectively.

During the first week, the court did not consider interim measures for former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov (code-named “Che Guevara”) or for fugitives Timur Mindich and Oleksandr Tsukerman. Later, Chernyshov was placed in custody with an alternative of UAH 51.6 million bail. It was subsequently revealed that the bail was paid by two private individuals — Andrii Protsyk and Iryna Fedorovych, who contributed UAH 30 million and UAH 21.6 million, respectively. The HACC Appeals Chamber left the interim measure unchanged, lifting only the obligation to surrender the Ukrainian internal passport.

The UAH 37 million bail for the two back-office employees, Ustymenko and Zorina, was paid by a newly established company, Vanhar, with an authorized capital of just UAH 1,000.

Later, interim measures in the form of in absentia detention were also imposed on Mindich and Tsukerman.

On February 17, 2026, an HACC investigating judge also imposed an interim measure on Herman Halushchenko, who had been notified of suspicion on February 16 after attempting to leave Ukraine and being detained at the border. The HACC ordered detention in custody, with an alternative bail of UAH 200 million.

In May 2026, the investigating judge also selected a preventive measure for former Head of the Office of the President Andrii Yermak in the form of detention, with UAH 140 million bail as an alternative. Preventive measures were also selected for the four people under Chernyshov's control.